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        <rdf:li rdf:resource="http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12323/5971" />
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    <dc:date>2026-04-15T05:39:14Z</dc:date>
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  <item rdf:about="http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12323/5971">
    <title>NATO and its partnerships in the Asia-Pacific vs. China’s “marching West”: a new international system in the making?</title>
    <link>http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12323/5971</link>
    <description>Title: NATO and its partnerships in the Asia-Pacific vs. China’s “marching West”: a new international system in the making?
Authors: Vernygora, Vlad</description>
    <dc:date>2017-09-17T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
  </item>
  <item rdf:about="http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12323/5970">
    <title>A Modern Empire and Its Public Diplomacy: On Russia’s Communication With Estonia</title>
    <link>http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12323/5970</link>
    <description>Title: A Modern Empire and Its Public Diplomacy: On Russia’s Communication With Estonia
Authors: Vernygora, Vlad; Belonosova, Elizaveta
Abstract: Defining the Russian Federation as one of the four contemporary empires (Zielonka&#xD;
2012), this article links the imperial paradigm (Parker 2010; Zielonka 2012, 2013, 2015;&#xD;
Colomer 2017), social constructs building (Wendt 1992), strategic narrative theory&#xD;
(Miskimmon et al. 2013), and soft power-associated public diplomacy instrumentarium&#xD;
(Melissen 2005; Nye 2008; Cull 2008, 2009; Cowan and Arsenault 2008) into a single&#xD;
conceptual framework to examine public diplomacy by the Russian Federation towards&#xD;
the Republic of Estonia. This analysis assumes that Russia understands Estonia as its own&#xD;
periphery in imperial terms. However, since Estonia already is an integral part of yet&#xD;
another modern empire (the European Union), our article notifies that Russia is left with&#xD;
a limited range of effective mechanisms of strategic communication with its Baltic&#xD;
neighbours, and Estonia in particular. Respectively, we test the following claim: in order&#xD;
to effectively project its strategic identity, system and policy narratives to Estonia, Russia&#xD;
prefers using a range of public diplomacy mechanisms rather than other types of&#xD;
communicational strategies. Empirically, we engage with eight annual reviews of the&#xD;
Estonian Internal Security Service (2012-2019/20).</description>
    <dc:date>2019-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
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  <item rdf:about="http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12323/5969">
    <title>The unbearable lightness of permanent integration: why does the EU need to answer its Ukrainian question?</title>
    <link>http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12323/5969</link>
    <description>Title: The unbearable lightness of permanent integration: why does the EU need to answer its Ukrainian question?
Authors: Vernygora, Vlad
Abstract: The process of European integration has long ceased to be a ‘know-how’ of political science.&#xD;
Nowadays, it is the discipline’s daily routine, the prose of life and the sublimation of Milan&#xD;
Kundera’s “unbearable lightness of being.” There is a cost to bear, of course, but it is worth it.&#xD;
For example, the Estonian understanding of integration is that the country is never again to&#xD;
be in another version of the Soviet Union; the small Baltic/Nordic country is now heading to&#xD;
its centennial in 2018 being called Eesti Vabariik or, if translated literally from Estonian into&#xD;
English, the ‘Estonian Free State.’ Spain is integrating to keep Catalonia and the Basque&#xD;
Country – after all, both Futbol Club Barcelona and Bilboko Athletic Kluba are still playing in&#xD;
the Spanish La Liga, aren’t they? Apart from the rather beneficial financial side of integration&#xD;
for the EU’s strongest economy, Germany is very much favouring the idea to ensure that it is&#xD;
not to forget how and why the process commenced. There is also a very original ‘Greek way’ of&#xD;
integration, but let’s be quiet about it for now.</description>
    <dc:date>2013-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
  </item>
  <item rdf:about="http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12323/5963">
    <title>Ukraine-New Zealand Relations: Promise of a Date?</title>
    <link>http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12323/5963</link>
    <description>Title: Ukraine-New Zealand Relations: Promise of a Date?
Authors: Chaban, Natalia; Vernygora, Vlad
Abstract: Newly independent Ukraine has a growing international presence and an&#xD;
increasing ambition to be a member of affluent international associations and&#xD;
alliances. Since regaining its sovereignty in 1991, Ukraine has been outspoken&#xD;
in its desire to eventually join the European Union (EU). This aspiration is&#xD;
more meaningful with the country’s current active involvement in the Council&#xD;
of Europe (CE).1&#xD;
 Ukraine’s image as an international actor is also shaped by its&#xD;
much debated intention of entering NATO, as well as its participation in the&#xD;
International Convention for the Suppression of Acts of Nuclear Terrorism&#xD;
(‘Nuclear Terrorism Convention’).2&#xD;
 Above all, Ukraine’s firm will to become a&#xD;
member of the World Trade Organization (WTO) engages the country with a&#xD;
system of economic, political, and legal co-ordinates understood and followed&#xD;
around the world</description>
    <dc:date>2006-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
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